Moreover, factionalism has resulted in instances of political violence within ideologies. Internal ideological conflicts within the right sometimes lead to violent behaviours. Similarly, the left is plagued with intra-ideological violence, which is evident in the case of Athens, Greece. In this case, 150 people from the Maoist organization ARAS (Left Anti-Capitalist Group) carried out a violent attack on antiauthoritarians and anarchists. As a result, a number of activists were severely injured and lost consciousness. Even the anarchist movement seems to be highly fragmented as well. In particular, market and individualist anarchists are often disregarded and stigmatized by the social anarchists such as the platformists and the anarcho-syndicalists as proponents of liberal ideologies rather than anarchists.

It might seem strange, but alliances between libertarians occur along the vertical axis of left and right ideologies rather than horizontal axis of libertarian ideologies. Thus, left libertarians including libertarian socialists, democratic socialists, and some anarchists collaborate with various authoritarian left-wing movements including anti-imperialist Baathists, Leninists, and Trotskyists despite their ideological affinity with the libertarian right when it comes to basic values like human rights and civil liberties. Right libertarians including classical liberals, paleo-libertarians, and anarcho-capitalists are allied with protectionist nationalists and mainstream conservatives over the libertarian left despite their shared values of voluntary association, civil liberties, and individualism.

Understanding the Popular Caucuses within Libertarian Party

The two-party binary system characterizes politics worldwide; however, the political rhetoric is usually misleading. The Republicans in the United States represent themselves as the main proponents of smaller government, similarly to the Conservatives in the UK and Liberals in Australia. Yet, these centre-right parties are well-known for the implementation of protectionist measures and the tolerance of systemic rent-seeking. By contrast, the Democrats in the US and Labour Party in the UK stand for a big welfare state which is the best bureaucratic environment for rent-seeking. Under these circumstances, the only consistent actors in opposing rent-seeking and defending individual liberty are Libertarian Parties, despite all their deficiencies both theoretical and practical.

There are some interesting alliances within Libertarians Parties despite their oppositional agenda. For instance, the US Libertarian Party includes such notable caucuses as Classical Liberal Caucus, Mises Caucus, and Radical Caucus. The former is founded on the legacy of John Locke and Thomas Paine and its politics are mainly focused on institutions and policy-making. The Mises Caucus promotes paleolibertarianism which combines basic libertarian views and culturally conservative beliefs, initially proposed by Murray Rothbard, and currently are gaining popularity due to the influence of individuals such as Javier Milei. Finally, the Radical Caucus defends more radical positions that cover right-wing anarcho-capitalism (which started with Gustave de Molinari) and left-wing agorism (developed by Samuel Edward Konkin III).

However, there are some other equally intriguing caucuses that have not been discussed by the mainstream media and established left-right commentators. Such alliances include Libertarian Socialist Caucus and Povertarian Caucus.

Libertarian Socialist Caucus of Libertarian Party

As the name “libertarian socialist caucus” is reportedly associated with the Libertarian Socialist Caucus of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and the Libertarian Socialist Caucus of Libertarian Party often is overlooked, it’s important to highlight about the important works of Libertarian Socialist Caucus of Libertarian Party.

In an interview conducted by Colin Jenkins of The Hampton Institute, Kuehnel and Posner, who are members of the Libertarian Socialist Caucus (LSC) in the United States Libertarian Party, explain that their main aim is to reclaim the word “libertarian” from its American capitalist misuse and restore its original meaning, which is anti-authoritarian socialism, more precisely, anarchism. In the 2018 Libertarian National Convention, they nominated themselves for national positions. Even though their nominations failed, their actions sparked serious debates and controversies between right-libertarians. In addition, they believe that any libertarian should be against all kinds of hierarchies and coercions, both state control and economic oppression through capitalism. On top of this, they criticize the basic tenet of capitalism, namely private ownership, particularly absentee ownership, claiming that the latter can be possible only through the use of state force. For his part, Kuehnel prefers practical organizing, preferring action, and practice to theoretical and philosophical elaborations. Given the circumstances, what the LSC hopes to achieve within the Libertarian Party is the formation of a radical leftist caucus, political debate, and revealing corporate exploitation as a blatant breach of the non-aggression principle.

Povertarian Caucus of Libertarian Party

What sets the Povertarian Caucus apart from other caucuses is its focus on class struggles rather than strict ideology.
Logan Marie Glitterbomb, the co-founder of the Libertarian Anti-Fascist Committee and the Libertarian Socialist Caucus of the Libertarian Party, and a member of the Libertarian Socialist Caucus of the DSA, made an argument in his article “Make Libertarianism Working Class Again” concerning the loss of the working-class character in modern American libertarianism by suggesting that the current version of libertarian ideology represents an elitist approach aimed at accommodating corporate interests.

Currently, as Logan pointed out, libertarian spheres of activity including the Libertarian Party (LP) have become exclusionary. High delegate fees and expensive conventions prevent poor libertarians from participating in such events, creating an environment where rich people live in an ivory tower unaware of reality. Moreover, the corporate nature of libertarian circles leads to the blurring of boundaries between free markets and state-sponsored “crony capitalism”. In response, activists have established the “Povertarian Caucus” to redirect the focus of libertarianism onto pressing problems of the underprivileged population. Rather than arguing about taxes, the caucus discusses topics such as homelessness, prison labour, abuse of the welfare system, criminal justice reform, and the legalization of drugs. In addition, they support voluntary and radical labour unions which are unregulated by any governmental agency.

The libertarian caucus jointly led by Alex Flores is comprised of both left-wing and right-wing libertarians united by the idea of freedom initiated by the Libertarian Socialists in 2016. The mission of the caucus is to fight against state oppression to liberate the poor and empower people regardless of their financial background. As a result of the anti-authoritarian and voluntary approach to cooperation, the informal group grew into a strong organization with hundreds of members that has been operating for ten years. Nowadays, the caucus acts as a key organization for left-wing libertarians who feel out of place in the movement while being friendly with other caucuses, especially the Mises Caucus, which dominates among the others, according to Alex.

The impact of this approach is clearly visible in terms of tangible actions like helping people in need. For example, there are no chairs in the caucus because members prefer equality to hierarchies. At the last national convention, the caucus managed to subsidize over ten percent of all delegates in collaboration with the LP Alliance. They helped over thirty delegates together with their family members in terms of accommodation, food, transportation, and more. People supported were from diverse political backgrounds including right-wing libertarians from the Mises Caucus, libertarian socialists, etc. Besides, the caucus provides help to key people in different caucuses, for instance, the Catholic anarchist Logan Marie Glitterbomb. Alex Flores’s latest election to the Libertarian National Committee as a Regional Representative indicates a growing influence of the caucus and increasing inclusiveness.

In his speech, Alex Flores emphasizes his Native American heritage since he is Apache. His tribe promotes the idea that the Earth is not something to be possessed, but rather take care of to provide better conditions for seven future generations. Modern society calls it voluntary socialism or anarcho-communism because of the unique way of thinking. However, in our conversation, Flores emphasized that he sees Apache traditions as the basis of libertarianism and cites the Great Law of Peace of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy as a historical example of libertarianism based on peace, self-determination, and voluntary association. The Haudenosaunee confederation played a significant role in creating the Constitution of the United States, for which reason it received recognition of Congress as early as in 1988. Flores also believes that Native Americans are historically libertarians based on the opinions of Russell Means, an Oglala Lakota activist for the rights of Native Americans, and a libertarian political activist.

A New Path for Liberty: Libertarian Alliance

It is undeniable that the Libertarian Party of the United States challenges traditional “othering” politics by housing diverse, anti-statist caucuses—ranging from anarcho-capitalists and agorists to class-driven Povertarians and authentic, non-statist libertarian socialists. To achieve true emancipation, the strategic priority must shift from left unity and right unity to libertarian unity as dismantling the state inherently dissolves corporate monopolies and concentrated private property in favour of a freed market based on voluntary exchange.

The post A New Path for Liberty: Understanding the Politics of the Povertarian and Libertarian Socialist Caucuses of the Libertarian Party USA appeared first on Free the People.

In 2018, the survey conducted by the polling organization Gallup found that 51% of Americans aged 18-29, including young Millennials and members of Gen Z, had a favourable opinion of socialism, compared with just 45% who felt favorably towards capitalism. According to the 2020 Edelman Trust Barometer survey, which surveyed people globally, 57% of people between 18 and 34 years of age felt that modern capitalism does more harm than good.

Socialism is now considered the morally correct alternative to capitalism, especially among the young, and anti-capitalistic opinions are considered morally superior even though it has also been associated with authoritarianism, systemic racism, genocides, and political violence throughout history. Fascism has also become meaningless and has been used as a general term for political invective, unrelated to its original meaning and historical context.

Despite its long history of aggression towards both capitalism and liberalism, fascism is today commonly confused with both terms in modern political discourse. Like socialism, fascism was created in response to economic instability in the preceding world wars and is fundamentally opposed to the Enlightenment values of liberalism, such as individual freedom and civil liberties. Yet today, people such as Javier Milei, who is a vocal supporter of both anarcho-capitalism and paleolibertarianism, are commonly wrongly accused as fascist in modern political discourse. This misclassification is particularly comical since Milei actively promotes the smaller state, which is in direct opposition to the statolatry, or love of the state, which is fundamentally inherent in fascism.

Ideological currents are what drive these tendencies, which are not arbitrary in any respect. There are numerous frameworks for interpretation that seek to hide the historical context and actuality of fascism, and they have emerged in left-wing discourse. Stalin’s Communist International, for instance, charged social democracy proponents with being connected with capitalism and described it as the moderate wing of fascism. However, modern Marxist theory, such as that advocated by Richard D. Wolff, argues that fascism is created in response to reactionary movements meant to stop anti-capitalism movements and transform capitalism into a fascist system in its own right. Besides, Leon Trotsky concluded fascism as the decay of capitalism. However, rather than examining the actual historical context of fascist movements, such frameworks seek ideologically driven results and might even be seen as promoting historical revisionism regarding the actual development of fascism as an ideology by imposing narrow narratives retrospectively.

Classical Fascism & National Syndicalism

Classical fascist development throughout history has been traced back to the form of socialism called revolutionary syndicalism. Marxism, in its glorification of the role played by social democrats, saw syndicalism emerge as a natural movement led by the workers against capitalism and the bosses. In spite of the theoretical differences between the two, the common class interests between the syndicalists and Marxists led them into a dialogue. The most prominent link between the two schools of thought was the Marxist theorist Georges Sorel, who was admired by all. However, by 1909, Sorel had become disillusioned with the compromising stance taken by socialist parliamentarians, the rise of democratic socialism, and the apparent retreat of the proletariats into a life of comfort, abandoning the revolutionary ideals of Marxism. In a way, he followed Benedetto Croce’s assertion that “Socialism is dead.” Sorel’s aim was to find a solution to the crisis facing Marxism, a problem that had been recognized by Marxist thinkers such as Antonio Labriola, by charting a new course in Marxist theory that combined the revolutionary zeal of Marxism with the populist and nationalist ideals, thus leading to the creation of “Sorelian Marxism” or “national syndicalism.” This synthesis attracted many syndicalists, and influenced by Sorel’s admiration for Charles Maurras and integral nationalism, they increasingly moved towards radical nationalist ideologies. Later, Cercle Proudhon, a platform for the fusion of revolutionary syndicalism and integral nationalist thought was established.

Benito Mussolini, in his “Doctrine of Fascism,” acknowledged the ideological sources of fascism, referring to the influence of Lagardelle’s Socialist Party, Marxist theoretician Georges Sorel, and the syndicalist publications such as “La Lupa,” “Pagine Libere,” and “Il Divenire Sociale.” This acknowledgement underscores the fact that the early fascist ideology was significantly influenced by, and actively reinterpreted, the intellectual heritage of revolutionary syndicalism and radical left-wing socialist thought.

Fascism and its Anti-Imperialism

The provocative analogy that Enrico Corradini, a nationalist writer within the syndicalist publication La Lupa, made within the nationalist wing of that publication read:

Similarly, during a meeting of the Italian Nationalist Association in 1910, he also stated:

These statements can be seen as the conceptual beginnings of the formation of “Proletarian Nation” that would come about in 1919. What is interesting is that the proto-fascist anti-imperialist geopolitics of Enrico Corradini uses Marxist concepts such as “proletariat” and “bourgeoisie” with regard to the working class and the capitalist ruling class, respectively, within the nation, whereas Enrico Corradini uses the concepts “proletariat” and “imperialist” with regard to nations such as Italy and Britain, respectively.

Ikki Kita, the ideological founder of Japanese fascism, also called “Pure Socialism,” advocated for an ideology in which Japan would become a proletarian nation with the responsibility of liberating colonized countries such as India and Myanmar from the imperial powers of the West. His imperial ambitions, therefore, included the annexation of other countries such as Korea, Taiwan, Manchuria, and Australia, but this would be done in the name of the “international proletarian nations” and for the purpose of the “anti-imperialist liberation” of the aforementioned countries. His political ideology advocated for a radical transformation of Japan through a coup d’état, in which the emperor would assume direct control, address economic inequalities, and protect the rights of citizens such as education, labor, and male suffrage, while eliminating the privileges enjoyed by the aristocracy. His ideology was therefore advocating for a type of state socialism, but this would be implemented from above, empowering the military and the industries for the purpose of Japanese leadership in Asia. Given the fact that Ikki Kita was a socialist and a nationalist, and his ideology was named “Pure Socialism”, the fusion of the two ideologies, namely socialism and nationalism, therefore, was part of the ideological convergence associated with the early fascist movements.

Summing Up

All of these historical perspectives provide a critical reassessment of the underlying ideology of fascism, as a means of challenging contemporary leftist perspectives that view fascism as a decay of capitalism enabled by liberalism. The fact of the matter is that fascism as an ideology was heavily influenced by socialism, particularly with regard to revolutionary syndicalism and national syndicalism which were influenced by former Marxist thinkers such as Georges Sorel, Mussolini, and Ikki Kita.

This historical understanding matches the description of what Hayek once commented: “fascism is the stage reached after communism has proved an illusion”.

The post The Anti-Capitalism of Fascists and Their Socialism appeared first on Free the People.